The Anti-War, Anti-Empire Cabaret
Laura Winton
Hemispheric Institute
August 18, 2003
Abstract
The Anti-War, Anti-Empire Cabaret, part of the Hemispheric
Institute’s 2003 Spectacle of Religiosities, was envisioned as a unified
hemispheric “scream,” bringing together activists, artists and academics
against the Bush Administration’s war-mongering and empire building. A nearly four-hour event, the Cabaret offered
little opportunity for participation by audience members or those watching the
event via webcast and created scant political
aftermath or efficacy beyond the artistic expression of the performers
themselves.
As pious terrorists, we represent the cutting edge
of religion and performance, the veneration of holy violence. War and terror are spectacles of mutual
provocation, TIT for tat. Politicians
such as George W. Bush and Ariel Sharon represent the corporeal element of
terror. Cynical intellectuals and perverse
artists who mock and criticize religion, who work in the sacrilegious, scatological,
and hedonistic, represent the intellectual and mental sphere of terror.
Artists inflame
fundamentalism by keeping the public outraged so that they are ready for
fundamentalist political leaders. You
provoke, offend, and inflame the frightened masses of the world, inciting fear
of God’s wrath. Artists are no men and
women of peace at all, but terrorists of the soul. Do you rejoice when American soldiers are
killed in Iraq?
Join us. Satire is simply terrorism in another form.
--Excerpts from Lex Talibonis, Terrorist
International Trust (TIT)
Among the
nightly performances at the 2003 Hemispheric Institute’s Spectacle of Religiosities, one event in particular was envisioned
as a “hemispheric scream,” a sign to the world that not everyone in the United
States supports the “war-mongering and empire building” of the Bush
Administration. Inspired by the creativity of recent anti-war protests. Hemispheric Institute Director Diana Taylor
proposed The Anti-War, Anti-Empire
Cabaret to show unity among the Americas, an interactive dialogue between
scholars, activists and artists in attendance at the Institute in New York City
and throughout North, South and Central America. (Taylor, May 29 2003)
One model
for the event was an event held six weeks earlier, a “Scream Out” organized on
June 9th by the Women’s Action Coalition in response to the Bush
Administration’s infringements on civil liberties and free speech in the name
of homeland security. Organized by
performance artist Karen Finley, the Scream Out invited women artists,
activists, and writers to speak out against specific policies and to respond
with “a scream of rage and resistance, fury and frustration.” (Women’s Action Coalition, 2003) Performance artist Missy Galore literally
brought the scream out with her to the Anti-War, Anti-Empire Cabaret. Her performance included statements such as
“the Bush administration took our fear, pain and confusion and turned it
against us,” followed by gut-wrenching screams.
Unfortunately, many, members of the audience were unfamiliar with the
original Scream Out, and were left without the sense of continuity between the
two events that her performance sought to create.
Martha
Wilson, founding director of Franklin Furnace performance group and herself a participant
in the Scream Out, was invited to organize the Anti-War Anti-Empire
Cabaret. Ricardo Dominguez of Electronic
Disturbance Theatre was asked to create and maintain an interactive component,
including a webcast and IRC chat. Taylor invited performance artist Reverend
Billy of the Church of Stop Shopping to host the Cabaret. (Taylor, May 29 2003)
As
envisioned, the event itself was a mix of rants, screams, performances, and
songs. The nearly four-hour event
featured 23 different performances, ranging from the Living Theatre’s Not in My Name anti-death penalty play
to video of deformed fetuses in Iraq post-Desert Storm, a woman in pasties
dancing to Stop the War, and a marine
brushing his teeth bloody to the humming of the Star Spangled Banner.
But what began as a scream ended with a whimper. Less than two dozen audience members stayed
throughout the onslaught of performances.
The publicized open mic never happened,
eliminating the possibility for the audience to raise their own voices of opposition. The IRC chat fizzled halfway through the
show. Only one performance actually made
use of the potential of interactive webcasting. The event itself turned away from being an
international dialogue between artists and scholars and into a largely one-way
performance from the stage to the audience, rarely traversing the “fourth
wall”, representing the voices of the artists involved, but without concern for
the voice of the audience or the impact of the event beyond the closing
curtain.
Political theatre and activist performance
I have been an activist for over 15 years and have
participated in anti-war rallies, several marches in Washington D.C., and
organizing with environmental and human rights groups. I am frequently asked what rallies and
marches actually accomplish. The subtext of that question, of course, is
that they are pointless exercises that don’t really accomplish anything.
While it’s true that such events rarely, in and of
themselves, effect swift political change, they can be in effect, first shouts,
scream outs, the raising of a collective voice.
They initiate a call and response kindred spirits, act as a rallying
point, a point of inspiration, and a point of contact.
Rallies, marches and political events frequently
“preach to the converted,” offering speeches and performances to those who feel
passionately enough about the issue to come to the event. As such, they help to keep up the energy
level and commitment of activists. They
foster community by bringing people together around an issue and offering them
the chance to talk, share perspectives, and play. They resemble religious revivals in which the
faithful reaffirm their belief and offer witness before the entire world. Richard Schechner
writes that events such as ACT-Ups die-ins or Greenpeace’s
high seas environmental antics serve a dual function:
“Not only does the media
catch the event and broadcast it, but group members are also invigorated,
reaffirming in public their belief in the cause and each other.” (Schechner 1993, 9)
Activist performance further mirrors religion in proseletyzation.
Rallies and marches call out to those who might feel alone or
disenfranchised. They offer a point of
entry into political activity by their visibility. Thus they call people into movements and into
action.
Finally, these events can send the message to
political leaders and the public at large that there is a voice of opposition,
another viewpoint. By bringing together
groups of people, they show that it is not the lone voice crying in the
wilderness, but a chorus, even a cacophony of voices, united in a common
concern.
The introduction of theatricality into political
events enhances all of these functions.
They keep the event from turning into merely a series of speeches and
interject spectacle. They allow
participants to embody and perform other realities—to bring to life the
realities of war, to demonstrate utopian ideals, to give voice to the
disenfranchised or to those who have lost their lives. Die-ins during a time of war offer the
visible and disturbing image of motionless bodies in the middle of the street,
emergency sirens blaring, bringing the point home for spectators in a way that
speeches, news articles and manifestos may never accomplish.
Diana Taylor describes repertoire as one function of
activist performance, “stor[ing]
and enact[ing] ‘embodied’ memory.” (Taylor 46:2, 155)
These events and performances usually take place in non-theatrical, public
spaces, “intrud[ing],
unexpectedly, on the social body . . . .
It insists on physical presence.”
(166)
While not a performance per se, Peaceful Tomorrows
offered a moving testimony toward the beginning of evening. A group whose members all lost loved ones in
the World Trade Center attack, Peaceful Tomorrows stands as a witness against
retaliation, willing to value the lives of the people of Afghanistan and Iraq
as much as the friends and families they lost on September 11th. They linked the idea of “collateral damage”
in war time to the victims of the World Trade Center, who have become
collateral damage in the war on terrorism and the quest for American
imperialism as well. Just as performance
seeks to embody those who have been rendered invisible, Peaceful Tomorrows
seeks to put a human face on all victims of war and violence and to reclaim the
memory of September 11th from appropriation by imperialist language
and intent.
In contrast to overtly activist performance,
politically-themed theatre takes place within clearly-defined performance
spaces, with specific texts, actors who have been trained or have rehearsed the
performance, and a more clearly defined role between performer and audience
than an activist performance, in which spectators can easily slip into the
rally, the march, the chant, etc. The
goals of politically-themed theatre can be similar to activist performance,
including creating and embodying new social orders, giving voice to those who
are “invisible”, honoring the dead, portraying heroes and villains, bringing
historical events to life, etc.
Examples of this type of theatre can range from
traditional plays like the holocaust-themed Bent
or The Diary of Anne Frank, to
experimental performance pieces like The Living Theatre’s Paradise Now, to Anna Deveare Smith’s Fires in the Mirror, created from
interviews with residents of Crown Heights, Brooklyn, after a period of racial
violence.
In his work with political theatre, Augusto Boal creates a theatre
that creates dialogue, “asks its audience questions and expects answers.” (Boal 1998,
20). Boal
discusses “agit-prop” theatre in which “theatrical
scenes would be shown as a preface to carrying out political actions: the scenes dealt with subjects which the
speakers would debate moments later.”
(213).
The Anti-War, Anti-Empire Cabaret, in contrast,
resembled more what Boal refers to as Continental
Theatre, with an “intransitive relationship in that everything travels from the
stage to the auditorium . . . and
nothing goes the other way.” (20)
When asked about how the event had functioned as
either political theatre or activist performance, Martha Wilson’s own
understanding leaned more toward this type of theatre, focused on the
expression of the performers rather than their impact on the audience.
“the goal of theatre is the
willing suspension of disbelief, while the goal of performance is to rub your
nose in reality. Political theatre,
however, bridges those two poles; and many performance artists are now quite
interested in using the tricks of the theatre to create the willing suspension
of disbelief.” (Wilson, July 25 2003)
What is missing from this description is an
understanding of the aftermath of the performance. There is no expectation expressed here that
the performance should serve any
goals beyond talking to or at the audience, rather than engaging in a dialogue,
or giving the audience any sense of efficacy of its own. That they should have their face rubbed in
the political conditions of the day, along with some theatrical technique,
lighting, or video, is all that can be expected. The potentially carnivalesque,
party atmosphere of the event was inhibited by the persistence of the fourth
wall, passive spectators sitting at tables watching performance after
performance, rather than being invited to become directly involved in the
action.
Reverend Billy made a small attempt at this when he
exhorted the crowd not to let the goals and momentum of the event stop
here. Likewise, the Living Theatre
announced their upcoming Not In My Name
event, to coincide with a scheduled execution, the following Tuesday in Times
Square. However, even if the audience
had been reached, agitated, incensed, motivated, there was nothing built into
the evening to channel these feelings and passivity was largely the only
response available to those offstage in the auditorium. Diana Taylor’s
Performance Studies class entered the auditorium dancing and clapping,
performing the Toyi Toyi, a
South African chant used to praise or shame political leaders. After the class’s short performance among and
directly in front of the audience, Reverend Billy picked up the gauntlet and
continued the Toyi Toyi,
with audience members calling out political figures such as Donald Rumsfeld or Tony Blair to be shamed.
The Living Theatre also entered through the auditorium
rather than by the wings, and during their performance came out into the
audience, making anti-violence pact with audience members, pledging not to kill
one another, participate in war, the death penalty, or other acts of
violence. They then brought audience
members onstage with them for their finale.
Gecko’s Duck and
Cover presentation used Red Scare era video showing school children taught
to hide under their desks during a nuclear attack. Both the performer and host Reverend Billy
tried to encourage audience members to practice their duck and cover skills,
but few actually participated.
Given that the June 9th Scream Out was one
of the inspirations for the Cabaret, it is interesting to examine the Scream
Out’s own stated methods. An event with
tremendous potential for audience interaction and public intervention, the
flyers and press releases for the event emphasize only the participation of
writers, artists and activists, rather than inviting spectators to be prepared
to scream out for themselves. Its
methods and message, like that of the Anti-War, Anti-Empire Cabaret, seem to
have allowed only for the self-expression of the artists themselves.(Women’s
Action Coalition, 2003 )
Whose avant-garde is it anyway?
For contemporary activists, Abbie
Hoffman and the Yippies (Youth International Party)
of the Vietnam War era embodied the greatest potential of political
theatre. In his autobiography, Hoffman
described the “langage of protest” as theatre rooted
in myth and ritual (Hoffman 1980, 129). Yippie theatrics included running a pig for President of
the United States and an aborted attempt to levitate the Pentagon and exorcise
it of evil. “Spiritual purification,”
Hoffman explained, “is sought as an antidote to the demons present in all imperialist
war machines” (192) The goal of
guerrilla theatre or “monkey warfare” was “to extend the possibilities of
involving the senses and penetrating the symbolic world of culture.” (126)
Decades later, such goals seem ideally suited to an event such as the Spectacle of Religiosities, bringing
together politically engaged artists and academics from throughout the
Americas.
Instead of embodying these principles, however, the
performances were frequently merely derivative of Vietnam Era war protests,
lacking contemporary music, images or references relevant to the current
cultural and political climate. Pirate
Jen did offer a piece called Bushwhacked
and used “The Real Slim Shady” by rap artist Eminem,
for an audience sing-along. But the
dominant music of the evening was pre-1975.
America’s “Horse With No Name”
was the basis for the song “War with No Shame.”
In an image reminiscent of the 1960s variety show Laugh-In, Julie Atlas Muz danced to War and Stop the War wearing only pasties and bikini-type briefs. Youth performance group Dance Tube entered in
business shirts and socks, pantless and
half-naked. They kicked an inflatable
globe as a soccer ball while showing protest video from the 1970s including
performers in Nixon masks and a die-in.
The performers then stripped into a pile of naked crawling bodies that
was more reminiscent of 1960s Living Theatre than the Living Theatre’s own
performance of the evening.
That the current political and artistic avant-garde
owes much to the 1960s is clear, but their reliance on the images and music of
that era, nearly 40 years ago, confirms what Richard Schechner
says about the absence of a contemporary avant-garde:
“What were once radical
activities in terms of artistic experimentation, politics, and lifestyles, have
become a cluster of alternatives open to people . . . offer(ing)
no surprises in terms of theatrical techniques, themes, audience interactions,
or anything else.” (Schechner
1993, 8)
Several of the poets who performed did offer a
contemporary framework in their segments.
Karen Jaime spoke of homegrown terrorist Timothy McVeigh as a way of
highlighting racial profiling, pointing out that no one began boycotting white
people, pulling over boys with buzz cuts, etc., after Oklahoma City in the way
that Arab Americans were targeted after September 11th. Pamela Sneed’s narrative work wove together
themes of white privilege, AIDS, the lack of U.S. concern for the massacre in
Rwanda, and the bare space and unspeakable loss of the Twin Towers. Unfortunately, both performances came in the
last hour of the event as the audience had significantly dwindled.
Singer Chris Rael performed
a song about the public relations war being waged against activists,
incorporating quotes from pundit Anne Coulter who calls political dissenters
“traitors”. Simultaneously, Rael presented a video by Nancy Buchanan showing research
on deformities due to agent orange sprayed in Vietnam with research of fetal
deformities in Iraq in the 12 yeas since the first Gulf War, managing to link
Vietnam era and contemporary politics in an effective and meaningful way.
Cabarets and Politics
Throughout their history, cabarets have always
contained an element of resistance, whether openly political or not—flaunting
artistic, sexual and social mores and sometimes even the law. Given this convergence of openness and
artistic democracy, the cabaret seems an appropriate format for presenting
political and activist theatre.
The cabaret itself dates back to 1881, when the Hydropathes Literary Society first met at the Chat Noir in Montmarte, France to recite poetry and to perform skits,
monologues and songs. The format quickly
became a favorite of the Paris bohemians.
Over the years, the cabaret format has been adapted by mainstream and
avant-garde literary and performance movements.
The Dadas used Cabaret Voltaire to mock
literary and artistic conventions through their use of simultaneous
performance, bruitism (the art of noise to provoke a
reaction), nonsenical sound poems, and the creation
and destruction of temporary works of visual art. (Hall-Downs, 2002)
In the 1920s and 30s, burlesque cabaret flourished in
the U.S. and Europe, particularly known through the gangster speakeasies of
American Cities and the bawdy vaudevillian shows of Weimar Berlin. The mobster speakeasies provided alcohol,
illegal under Prohibition. The cabarets
of Berlin offered satire and flaunted sexual liberation. Decades later, in the 1970s, the cabaret
movement became associated with camp and gay culture. (Kenrick
1996-2003).
In the 1980s, one stream of the cabaret movement
became the starting place for very mainstream off-Broadway musicals, including Nunsense, Forever Plaid, and Forbidden Broadway. At the same time, the self-publishing and ‘zine revolution, combined with the punk/DIY
(do-it-yourself) ethos of youth culture led to an explosion of literary and
artistic open mics where artists gathered to create
community and to promote and share their own works by performing and by hawking
their self-produced wares at these events.
The poetry slam movement grew out of this open mic
culture and in this way, owes a debt to the cabaret format as well.
With an open mic or poetry
slam, any artist can bring their work to the microphone, which encourages
political as well as artistic freedom to the work presented. While
not functioning strictly as open mics where
performers can walk in off the street and be on the slate that night, many
artistic cabarets are uncurated. That is, no one auditions, provides a
proposal, or is screened before they are booked into the show. Such events are seen as democractic,
open to a variety of styles, genres, subject matter, and even experience levels
among performers.
This was Martha Wilson’s approach in booking the
Anti-War, Anti-Empire Cabaret. “I felt
that anyone who wanted to rant should be allowed to do so.” (Wilson, July 23, 2003) In this instance, however, the uncurated aspect of the show did not serve the goals of the
Hemispheric Institute nor the cabaret itself.
The sheer number of performances, and the unfocused variety of themes,
left the audience exhausted and overwhelmed, unable to process the information
or respond to it in a meaningful way during the evening. Many members of the audience voted with their
feet hours before the end of the show, seeing only a fraction of the acts.
Wilson herself, performed last in the line up with
less than two dozen people scattered throughout the auditorium. As Barbara Bush she told the story of her two
wayward sons, Saddam and George W., playing out a “sibling rivalry” on the world
stage, and bragged about being the wife and mother of two presidents. The piece was contemporary and like Lex Talibinos who performed
immediately before her, potentially funny and disturbing, but it went largely
unnoticed by the weary smattering of an audience that remained.
The symbiosis between the cabaret and the open mic was not missed by the organizers of the Hemispheric
Institute, as the event was billed as featuring an open mic,
an event that would have allowed members of the audience to participate as
artists offering their own work, or as citizens coming to the microphone to
make a statement, a rant or a scream.
Thus, despite Wilson’s assertion, not “everyone who wanted to rant” was given the opportunity.
The number and diversity of acts and performers, while
portraying a scope of resistance, lacked enough of a united thread to be able
to create any kind of palpable cohesive message. Just as WTO protests of 2000 were criticized
for not having a unified vision, but representing a mishmash of groups and
messages thrown together in an amorphous melting pot of grievances, the cabaret
offered up a political cacophony that actually hindered any outcome beyond its
own scream. As both an organizing tool
and a message of resistance, its effect was limited at best.
The web as an organizing tool
Ricardo Dominguez’s Electronic Disturbance Theatre creates “electronic art that
debates . . . issues, provides an arena
for further action [and] . . . employs technology to revert surveillance into
documenting the abuses of power and inciting direct action.” (Salgado, 2003) He was initially invited to create and
oversee a webcast element of the Anti-War,
Anti-Empire Cabaret. Once the event
began to take shape, Dominguez found that the technical aspects had been handled
by NYU and he took the role of spectator rather than active participant.
Dominguez concedes that with a cabaret, creting a dialogue via video streaming is somewhat
specious. “Video streaming online is
still extremely limited potential. Webcasting real-time events has a strong tendency to become
uni-directional.”
(Dominguez, July 24 2003) The
greatest potential of webcasting an event such as
this is its capacity to “use the performance as a platform for discussing what
possible actions might be developed based on the issues that the performance
brought to the foreground.” But to
achieve this, he cautions, “(w)ebcasting is a case
where less becomes more . . . allow(ing) the chat
component to become chorus like. Too
many performances all at one time make it difficult to develop direct-action
dialogue.” (Dominguez, July 24 2003)
Alexander Del Re and Dan McKereghan
made use of webcasting technology to present a joint
video performance taking place simultaneously in New York and Chile. The event linked the World Trade Center
attack with “the other 9/11,” the overthrow and assassination of president Allende of Chile in 1973 by the CIA. A voiceover of George Bush repeats “The
struggle of humanity against tyranny is the struggle of memory against forgetting.” Statistics compare the almost equal number of
dead from both attacks. Meanwhile, each
performer maintains a “live” presence throughout via webcasting,
running, dancing, pouring piles of sand (ash?) onto the floor in their
respective rooms. The piece ends with a
person entering the auditorium at NYU just as McKereghan
enters Times Square, each of them wearing a t-shirt that says “I am afraid of
Americans.”
Despite the unrealized potential of the webcast to create a dialogue, it did offer the opportunity
to reach people outside of the immediate event.
Dr. Antonio Prieto Stambaugh,
of El Colegio de Michoacan
in Zamora, Michoacan, Mexico, watched the webcast with his students.
In an email to Diana Taylor, he described the cabaret as “fun to watch,
although . . . it was like watching a
telecast, no reference to people who might want to participate or send messages
overseas. Overall . . . it was very
important for my students to see how performers, activists and academics can
come together and do a political act that is at the same time entertaining and
conceptually challenging.” (Stambaugh, July 18, 2003)
“Bad artists,” Grotowski
tells us, “speak of rebelling; real
artists actually rebel. They respond to the powers that be with a
concrete act.” (Schechner
1993, 14). The Anti-War, Anti-Empire
Cabaret unfortunately fell into the former category. While there were a number of competent
performances, the Cabaret overall offered little in the way of actual, concrete
rebellion, but merely spoke, danced, and sang around the idea.
Appendix A:
Anti-War,
Anti-Empire Cabaret
Line Up
Host: Reverend Billy
Diana Taylor , Manifesto from Latin
America
Dawn Peterson, Peaceful Tomorrows
Performance Studies Class , Toyi
Toyi
Alexander
Del Re & Dan McKereghan, Video feeds NY & Chile
Galinsky, War with no shame
Leonora Champagne, Monologue about
maintaining her daughter’s innocence
Irina Danilova, Project 59
The Living Theatre , Not in My Name
Nora York, Masters of War & Battle
Hymn of the Republic
Marguerite Van Cook, Monologue with video
Renato Rosaldo, Poetry
Jenny Romaine, “Bushwhacked”
Maciej Toporowicz, Brushing teeth bloody to Star Spangled
Banner
Chris Rael, Music, video of research on
deformities due to Agent Orange/compare w/Iraq
Dancetube, Group movement with video
Gecko, Duck & Cover
Jennifer Edwards, Spoken word poetry
Jeff McMahon, Excerpt from “Hell”
Missy Galore, Pleasure Revolution Scream
Out
Karen Jaime, Spoken word poetry with
music
Pamela Sneed, Spoken word text
Julie Atlas Muz, Dancing to “Stop the War”
Stephen Wangh, Lex
Talibonis
Martha Wilson, Barbara Bush
,
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