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Performance and Mayan Identity on the Yucatan Peninsula
Tamara Underiner

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Sarah Jo Townsend

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Claudia Briones & Ana Ramos

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Erick Bessa Pinheiro

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[Page 2: Siete momentos en la vida maya:
Performance, Tourism, and Mayan Identity on the Yucatán Peninsula by Tamara Underiner]

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Siete momentos en la vida maya: "Life in Parentheses"

Let's assume for the moment the traveler's perspective. Having taken the exit off the main highway and followed the signs to the performance site, you travel down a dusty road to the outskirts of Ticopó, past some grass-roofed ramadas, one of which serves as a ticket booth. (Others are meant to serve as vendor stations, but they are mostly empty for now—more on that later.) If you are a Mexican national or foreign visitor, you pay 120 pesos for your ticket (about $12 U.S.). If you are from a local Mayan community, you get in for free. Boulders line the road, the pedestrian walks, the parking area, and the performance area. The buildings are all constructed of rough-hewn wood, housing dressing quarters and outhouses, a technical booth (where the sound is run), and tiered seating for the spectators (another wooden, grass-roofed structure). The whole complex is situated on communal land, leased to the producers for a 12-year term. In the distance are low trees which surround the large space on all sides. The performances take place in late Saturday afternoons; as twilight approaches, fireflies will start to appear, and bats, attracted to the insects attracted by the lights, will also begin to flit about.

You take your seat in the wooden structure and wait as the three llamadas announce the show's start. For the next hour and ten minutes, you will watch a spectacle that condenses, abstracts, synthesizes and aestheticizes a week's worth of festivities associated with the vaquería, a yearly festival held in ranching areas across the peninsula (8). Some elements are common to all the festivals; others persist in different forms from town to town. This tourist version starts with a prologue set to music by Mozart (neither typical of the vaquería nor entirely impossible for it; but in this case it was added by the work's director). During this prologue, several things occur: first, the performance space is blessed with incense and prayers by a h'men (local priest) and two assistants (an action the creators of the piece told me was actual, not representational); then, scenes from pueblo life are staged: children play together and run throughout the space; some men go off to farm; one man, drunk, is chased and berated by his woman as he staggers across the scene; women gather around a water well and cooking fire (where some will remain for the entire performance, making tortillas which they distribute to the audience at the end of the show); there is a funeral procession for which the whole pueblo turns out. In the prologue and throughout, the actors are dressed in traditional, if not formal, attire—the huipiles and guyaberas—eliding the wider array of choices many contemporary Mayans make, in village and city alike. With the planting of the sacred ceiba tree, an ancient symbol of life on the peninsula, the action proper begins, and it is a story told in dance: specifically, the jarana, a quick-stepping dance local to the region whose steps are difficult to trace, both in the present, and to an origin. Some claim they are prehispanic in arrangement; others that they mix ancient footwork and songs with Spanish rhythms and musical instruments. Today, they are danced to a changing repertoire of songs composed specifically for the purpose, performed by a jarana ensemble of two clarinets (or sometimes saxophones), two trombones, two trumpets, kettle drums and guiro (a grooved rhythm instrument whose sounds are achieved by scraping or rasping motion). They are featured at festivities and public performances throughout the peninsula; a version of the jarana animates the famous bottle dances, a virtuosic entertainment popular among tourists and, increasingly, at urban middle class social events (9). They constitute the highlight of the vaquería, where they are often danced in competitions. In Siete momentos, groups of children, women, and couples by turn perform a succession of jaranas, all for the most part facing the audience as though there were a proscenium frame. But in broad daylight, the performers look back at us looking at them; the panoptic gaze is denied us, if the panoramic one remains. The dancing is followed by a conceptual bullfight, in which a black-clad performer, clasping horns in both hands in front of his head, dances a complicated and highly dramatic contest with his toreadors, until he is at last killed and carried off. The show closes with a communal feast, represented by the sharing of tortillas made by the women throughout its course.

Siete momentos is the brainchild of María Alicia Martínez Medrano, a non-Mayan Mexican with substantial professional directing credits, who founded a still-growing network of theatre troupes under the umbrella name "Laboratorio de Teatro Campesino e Indígena," which has been active throughout Mexico since 1986 (10). The Laboratorios function as sites for both training and performance; many first-and second-generation graduates of their three-year training programs have gone on to become permanent maestros in the Laboratorio system, or to found new labs of their own, in urban neighborhoods and rural communities alike. The permanent maestros play a key role in the larger projects, like this one, envisioned by Martínez Medrano, who serves as artistic director. In this case, they served as researchers, traveling throughout the peninsula to recover dance steps known only to the oldest members of remote communities, steps which they then taught to younger members of towns situated closer to Mérida, where proximity to the urban center had caused some of the dances and steps to attenuate. Their students comprised the 472 actors of Siete momentos, performing the dances and scenes of local color, while the maestros (all Mexican, but not all Mayan) held the central positions in the dances and the bullfight.

Audiences for the show included international and Mexican tourists, and friends and families of the performers. On the day in March 2003 that I saw the show, the audience included three buses full of visiting dignitaries from a meeting of indigenous tribes from throughout the hemisphere. Dressed in elaborate ceremonial regalia, they were the single largest group in attendance, and their presence challenged easy dichotomies of tourist-spectator social relations. According to Martínez Medrano, usually friends and family members of the performers constituted the largest audience segment on any given Saturday. That day, a few visitors from Mérida were there, as were some visitors from Mexico City, former students of Martínez Medrano. (Interestingly, the event has also been of interest to a group of immigrants from Mexico now resident in the United States, who made a professional video of the event for their own purposes of promotion and ethnic identification (11).) By way of explaining the low Mexican turnout, a friend of mine, a middle-class German who has retired to Mérida, told me she felt the ticket price was too steep for most Mexican wallets. But twice that is well within the bounds of what international tourists expect to pay to visit the pyramid sites and their light and sound shows. Two other friends—both of whom are Mérida working professionals with family ties to villages further out, and both of whom are also dedicated to Mayan-language community theatre —criticized the production for being too synthetic, too theatrical, not authentic enough.

Siete momentos was meant to be a more-or-less permanent installment on the tourist scene en route between Mérida and tourist sites on the peninsula, or at least for the 12 years of the land lease arrangement, offering performances every Saturday afternoon. The State Department of Tourism financed its opening, with the expectation that it would become self-sustaining via ticket sales and the sales of refreshments and souvenirs in the vendor booths lining the path to the performance space (reminiscent of those along the way to the entrance of Chichén Itzá). All participants were to be paid a regular salary after the first three months, once the show found its feet. However, after 18 months the show closed in the summer of 2004 because paying attendance never grew sufficiently to provide enough incentive for vendors and performers to participate, a situation that was compounded by a lack of promotional support and transportation arrangements on the part of the tourism board. (The event did feature prominently in Yucatán Today, the official promotional publication of the Department of Tourism, and on its website. In the summer of 2004 an article appeared in a Mérida arts newsletter, but only after the show had closed.)

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